Singapore
Source: www.isas.nus.edu.sg

India’s BRICS Challenge:
Managing a Divided Coalition
C Raja Mohan
20 May 2026

Summary

Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in New Delhi in mid-May 2026 highlighted the deepening internal contradictions of the now expanded forum. Sharp disagreements over the Middle East conflict prevented the adoption of a joint statement, leading India to issue a Chair’s Statement instead. New Delhi’s central challenge in BRICS is to preserve the forum as a practical instrument for reforming global governance while preventing it from fragmentation amid the shifting dynamic among the great powers.

When India assumed the chairmanship of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) bloc for 2026, it inherited a grouping that has garnered much international interest but one that is more internally divided. What began in 2009 as a loose coalition of Brazil, Russia, India, and China – with South Africa joining in 2010 – has evolved into a broader political platform that now includes countries such as Iran, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Egypt, Ethiopia and Indonesia. Many more countries are eager to join the grouping. Expansion has increased BRICS’ demographic heft and economic salience. However, it has also magnified internal contradictions.

The BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in New Delhi from 13 to 15 May 2026 brought into focus the difficulties India was bound to confront during its presidency. Guided by the theme of ‘Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability’, New Delhi sought to focus attention on practical cooperation and institutional reform. The inability of the foreign ministers to issue a joint communiqué, however, underscored the widening gap between the bloc’s growing ambitions and its limited political cohesion.

The immediate trigger for the breakdown was the disagreement over the conflict in the Middle East and the deepening conflict between two of its members – Iran and the UAE. Caught between two important partners, India had to issue a Chair’s Statement that acknowledged divergence on key issues in the Middle East, Palestine and the freedom of navigation. The statement emphasised dialogue and diplomacy on contested issues while highlighting agreement on a broad range of other global issues.

India, however, did not flinch from asserting its own interest in freedom of navigation in the Hormuz Strait. As Minister for External Affairs S Jaishankar declared in India’s national statement, “Safe and unimpeded maritime flows through international waterways, including the Strait of Hormuz and Red Sea, remain vital for global economic well-being”.

Even before the BRICS ministerial meeting concluded, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi headed to Abu Dhabi to express India’s solidarity with the UAE and its people and “strongly condemn” the attacks on it by Iran. Although Modi did not mention Iran by name, India’s deepening ties with the UAE were reflected in several new agreements, including a framework for defence cooperation that were signed during Modi’s visit.

The New Delhi meeting served as a reminder that BRICS is no cohesive bloc that many see as the great hope of the non-western world to end American hegemony. It is a coalition of states that may share dissatisfaction with aspects of the current international order but differ sharply on some key issues. Since its inception, BRICS has often been strongest in rhetoric and weakest in implementation. The creation of the New Development Bank was an important institutional achievement, but beyond that, many initiatives have remained aspirational.

India’s four priorities for the 2026 summit – resilience, innovation, cooperation and sustainability – seek to inject practical content into the agenda. The objective is to focus on functional cooperation without being detained by ideological posturing. A major challenge for India is to prevent BRICS from becoming defined primarily by opposition to the West. Russia, China and Iran often view BRICS as a vehicle to contest America’s global influence and reshape the international order.

India’s strategic partnerships with the United States (US), Europe, Japan and key Gulf states remain central to its foreign policy. New Delhi is acutely conscious that both Moscow and Beijing are themselves seeking better relationships with Washington even as they seek to mobilise the middle powers against the US. India has no desire to undermine its most important bilateral relationship – with the US – in the name of strengthening BRICS. At the same time, India is not about to discard its long nurtured political equities in the Global South and its support for the democratisation of the global order.

India’s BRICS presidency also unfolds against the backdrop of its complex relationship with China. Beijing has been the principal driver of BRICS expansion and sees the grouping as an important platform for projecting influence across the Global South. India welcomes a more representative international order but remains wary of any institutional arrangement that reinforces Chinese primacy.

The challenge for New Delhi is to keep BRICS sufficiently inclusive and productive while ensuring that its agenda is not subsumed by Beijing’s strategic priorities. This balancing act has long shaped India’s approach to multilateral diplomacy: participate actively, shape outcomes where possible, and resist domination by any single power.

India must also navigate the practical consequences of unilateral sanctions on BRICS members, especially Iran and Russia. These sanctions complicate trade, financing, and connectivity projects, including India’s investment in the Chabahar Port. The Chair’s Statement criticised unilateral coercive measures, reflecting a broad BRICS concern that sanctions often impose disproportionate costs on developing economies.

At a broader level, India sees BRICS as a platform to advance “reformed multilateralism”. This concept has been a recurring theme in Indian diplomacy over the last decade. It calls for updating institutions such as the United Nations Security Council, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to reflect contemporary economic and political realities.

It is not in India’s power to eliminate the structural contradictions within BRICS. Its task is to try and ensure that the internal divergence does not paralyse the grouping and prevent the quest for multipolarity turning into a fragmentation of the non-Western world.

China
Source: www.fmprc.gov.cn

From May 21 to 22, 2026, Director-General of the Department of Security Cooperation of the Foreign Ministry Wang Lixin led an interdepartmental delegation to attend the eleventh meeting of the BRICS Counter-Terrorism Working Group held in New Delhi.

Wang Lixin introduced China’s views on the current international and regional counter-terrorism situation, and clarified China’s major counter-terrorism concerns. She called on BRICS countries to implement the Global Security Initiative, uphold the principles of openness, inclusiveness, and win-win cooperation, strengthen solidarity and coordination, deepen BRICS counter-terrorism cooperation, and make greater contributions to safeguarding security and stability for both member states and the international community.

The meeting was chaired by India, the rotating chair. Representatives from all BRICS member countries, including Brazil, Russia, and South Africa, attended the meeting.

Iran
Source: www.tehrantimes.com

TEHRAN – Attending the BRICS Justice Ministers Meeting, Amin-Hossein Rahimi, Iran’s Justice Minister, has proposed the establishment of a dedicated BRICS arbitration center to help resolve disputes among member states, stressing the importance of international law and peaceful legal mechanisms for economic cooperation.

The Meeting of Justice Ministers of the BRICS member states was held in Chandigarh, India, from May 21 to 22.

Addressing the meeting, Rahimi expounded on Iran’s positions and described the US-Israeli aggressions against Iran as a shameless attack on international law and the conscience of humanity.

Quoting the Leader of Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Seyyed Mojtaba Khamenei, Rahimi said Iran has never sought war, conflict, or aggression. “Any attempt to acquire nuclear weapons is in contrast with our principles,” the official continued.

The official went on to say that the US-Israeli coalition’s war against Iran is a clear breach of the United Nations Charter. Referring to the intentional targeting of Shajareh Tayyebeh elementary school in Minab, Hormozgan province, which led to the martyrdom of 168 innocent boys and girls aged 7-12, the official said that, to combat impunity, it is essential for the international community and international courts to prosecute criminals and bring them to justice.

Highlighting Iran’s firm belief in the principles of multilateralism and good neighborliness, the official said, “lasting peace can be achieved not through force but justice and the strengthening of the principle of trust in the world. Helping to realize the lasting peace is a professional duty in these pivotal days, a duty that weighs heavily on the shoulders of all justice ministers.”

On the sidelines of the meeting, he held talks with the ministers of justice of India, South Africa, and Russia, during which the parties exchanged views on expanding judicial cooperation within the BRICS framework.

Declaration of justice ministers

Under India’s BRICS 2026 Chairship, the Department of Legal Affairs, Ministry of Law and Justice, Government of India, announces that the “Declaration of the Ministers of Justice of the BRICS Countries on Strengthening Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) through Capacity Building in Mediation and Arbitration” was adopted on May 21, at the meeting of the Hon’ble Ministers of Justice held in Gandhinagar, Gujarat.

The Declaration, which was finalised by senior officials at a Senior Officials’ Meeting held on 19–20 May 2026 in Gandhinagar and agreed in principle by representatives from BRICS countries, reflects a shared commitment to expand mediation and arbitration across member countries. Ministers of Justice from Brazil, China, Egypt, Ethiopia, India, Iran, Indonesia, Russia, South Africa, and the United Arab Emirates, together with delegations, participated in the meeting.

Key elements of the Declaration include strengthening capacity building initiatives for stakeholders, including Government Legal Officers, Mediators, Arbitrators, Judges, and Legal Professionals through training programmes; promoting institutional mediation and arbitration reforms to enhance accessibility, efficiency, and enforceability of ADR processes; and encouraging cooperation and knowledge-sharing on best practices, including the use of digital tools and innovation in ADR.

The adoption of this Declaration underscores BRICS members’ collective vision to make mediation and arbitration more accessible and effective as preferred mechanisms for resolving disputes, thereby reducing the burden on courts and fostering a stable environment for trade and investment.

The Department of Legal Affairs welcomes continued cooperation among BRICS partners to implement the Declaration’s commitments, and looks forward to follow-up initiatives and collaborative projects that will operationalise capacity building and institutional reforms in ADR.

India
Source: www.orfonline.org

The BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting underscored the grouping’s preference for pragmatic engagement, institutional reform, and issue-based cooperation, even when geopolitical fault lines prevent full consensus

With the conflict in West Asia still looming large, the BRICS Foreign Ministers' Meeting was held on 14 and 15 May in New Delhi. The meeting was closely watched, given the presence of two of BRICS' newer members – Iran and the UAE – who remain on opposing sides of the ongoing tensions. While the meeting concluded with a Chair's Statement rather than a Joint Declaration, the outcome was not entirely unexpected. The forum faced heightened expectations given its members' involvement in the wider regional conflict. Yet as a consensus-based forum focused on issue-based cooperation, BRICS has a record of navigating geopolitical tensions that overshadow prospects for security cooperation.

Key Takeaways: What Stood Out

Despite underlying tensions, the meeting saw active participation from most member and partner countries. At the BRICS Foreign Ministers' Meeting, Brazil, Russia, South Africa, Iran, Egypt, Indonesia, Ethiopia, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia were represented by their Foreign Ministers or Ministerial-level officials, while China was represented by its Ambassador to India. Among the partner countries, Cuba, Malaysia, Thailand, and Uganda attended at the ministerial level, with Belarus, Bolivia, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, Uzbekistan, and Vietnam also taking part. The agenda spanned three sessions: global and regional developments; BRICS@20: Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability; and Reform of Global Governance and the Multilateral System. Held against the backdrop of Trump's high-stakes visit to China, the meeting also included bilateral engagements and an interaction with Prime Minister Modi, concluding with the adoption of a comprehensive Chair's Statement.

From an institutional perspective, BRICS was not designed as a collective security arrangement requiring absolute political alignment; its novelty lies in its ability to sustain engagement among economies with differing priorities, competing interests, and at times, active political tensions.

Marking BRICS' 20th anniversary, the statement reiterated the forum's commitment to reforming global governance mechanisms while upholding the principles of the UN Charter. It also emphasised strengthening development finance, climate financing, resilient supply chains, and a rules-based global trading system centred on the WTO. Despite the absence of a joint declaration, the statement underscored several notable positions on peace and security: the ministers reiterated their support for UN Security Council reform; opposed unilateral sanctions imposed without UNSC authorisation; condemned violations of international humanitarian law, including the denial or obstruction of humanitarian access; condemned all acts of terrorism and extremism; and reaffirmed support for the State of Palestine's full UN membership and commitment to the two-state solution.

Positional Continuity amid Geopolitical Crisis

The most visible friction came from the heated exchange between two of the forum's members – Iran and the UAE. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi accused the UAE of standing "alongside the United States and Israel in the war", while the Emirati representative rejected "the Iranian claims and attempts to justify attacks against it". The Chair's Statement also acknowledged the differences among members over the situation in West Asia. Based on their respective national positions, the members emphasised the need for early conflict resolution, the value of dialogue and diplomacy, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and upholding international law. The ministers also stressed the importance of safe and unimpeded maritime commerce through international waterways — specifically the Red Sea and Bab Al-Mandab Strait — and the exercise of navigational rights and freedoms for vessels of all states, in accordance with international law. However, formal reservations tabled by one member on aspects of these clauses ultimately prevented the adoption of a joint declaration.

In the current geopolitical context, the forum was under considerable pressure to deliver a joint declaration. Yet while its absence has drawn critique, the outcome was not entirely unforeseen. From an institutional perspective, BRICS was not designed as a collective security arrangement requiring absolute political alignment; its novelty lies in its ability to sustain engagement among economies with differing priorities, competing interests, and at times, active political tensions. The 2020 Galwan clashes between India and China — a direct military confrontation between two member states — offer a pertinent example: engagement within the forum persisted nonetheless. India participated in the 2020 Foreign Ministers' Meeting and Leaders' Summit, which produced a media statement, while subsequent meetings in 2021, 2022, 2023, and 2024 produced Joint Statements. Throughout this period, New Delhi continued to engage constructively within BRICS even as it pursued its bilateral concerns on separate tracks.

Now broader in both scope and membership, the grouping appears to be navigating a shifting global order and growing internal complexities through issue-based cooperation and sustained diplomatic engagement.

When the 2022 BRICS Summit and Foreign Ministers' Meeting took place amid the Russia-Ukraine war, the resulting statement recalled members' national positions as expressed at the UN while maintaining agreement on humanitarian concerns, dialogue, and diplomatic engagement — a pattern that would repeat itself in New Delhi. Even the BRICS Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Brazil in April 2025 culminated in a Chair's Statement rather than a joint declaration. The lack of consensus at the earlier BRICS Deputy Foreign Ministers' Meeting had similarly foreshadowed this pattern. While expectations of a joint declaration — and a possible role in conflict resolution — may be aspirational, BRICS was fundamentally conceived as a consensus-based platform for emerging economies. Now broader in both scope and membership, the grouping appears to be navigating a shifting global order and growing internal complexities through issue-based cooperation and sustained diplomatic engagement.

Placing the Signals

Delivering India’s National Statement, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar called for “stronger cooperation among BRICS nations to address growing geopolitical and economic instability,” stressing that the world faces a series of challenges testing the resilience of multilateral institutions. Even as disagreements over the crisis in West Asia revealed fault lines within the bloc, members broadly converged on reform of global governance institutions, respect for international norms, peaceful settlement of disputes, terrorism, development finance, sustainability, global health, and Artificial Intelligence (AI).

As India prepares for the Leaders' Summit later in the year, the grouping's priority appears to be sustaining a pragmatic space for dialogue and consensus-building on issues of mutual interest. Within a fragmented global order, plurilateral groupings such as BRICS face growing pressure to expand their scope and deliver tangible outcomes — particularly as new members join, conflicts intensify, and multilateral institutions face deadlock. Yet as global geopolitical fault lines deepen, BRICS appears to prioritise shaping a more representative international order through its focus on economic resilience and reform of the multilateral system.

The views expressed above belong to the author(s).ORF research and analyses now available on Telegram! Click here to access our curated content — blogs, longforms and interviews.

Greece
Source: moderndiplomacy.eu

For much of the post-Cold War era, the global order revolved around Western-led institutions. The G7 shaped financial governance, the IMF and World Bank dictated economic prescriptions, and the U.S. dollar remained the unquestioned backbone of global trade.

For much of the post-Cold War era, the global order revolved around Western-led institutions. The G7 shaped financial governance, the IMF and World Bank dictated economic prescriptions, and the U.S. dollar remained the unquestioned backbone of global trade. But in recent years, another grouping has steadily emerged from the margins of global politics into the center of geopolitical debate that is BRICS. What began in 2009 as a small coalition of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and later South Africa, is now increasingly being portrayed as the voice of the Global South and, by some critics, an emerging anti-Western bloc.

The debate intensified after the dramatic expansion of BRICS in 2024, when Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates formally joined the organization. With the new members, BRICS now represents nearly half of the world’s population and roughly 40 percent of global GDP, in terms of purchasing power parity (PPP), surpassing the G7’s share which is around 30 percent. The symbolism alone is powerful: a grouping once dismissed as an economic acronym is now competing with the West’s most influential club in both scale and ambition.

BRICS and G7 countries share of the world’s GDP in PPP

Source: Statista

Yet the core question remains unresolved. Is BRICS truly evolving into a coherent geopolitical alternative to the Western order, or is it simply a coalition of convenience held together by dissatisfaction rather than shared strategy?. The answer lies somewhere in between. There is little doubt that BRICS has become more politically assertive. This solution falls somewhere in between. It’s hard to dispute that there is an increasingly assertive political nature behind BRICS. Indeed, at the 2024 Summit of BRICS held in Kazan, Russia, leaders spoke about alternate financial institutions like trans-border payment systems and the use of non-US dollar currencies in trading and commodity exchanges. Russia, heavily sanctioned after the Ukraine war, has become particularly vocal in advocating “de-dollarization.” President Vladimir Putin argued that the dollar is being used as a “political weapon” and promoted BRICS as a counterweight to Western dominance.

China, meanwhile, sees BRICS as part of its broader strategy to reshape global governance. In addition, Beijing has been calling for the enlargement of the group, consolidation of entities such as the New Development Bank (NDB), and increased use of yuan for trade transactions. The economic power of China in the BRICS group is simply immense as it is responsible for nearly 60 percent of the total GDP of the group.

This reality fuels both the bloc’s rise and its internal tensions. For many countries in Africa, Latin America, and Asia, BRICS offers an attractive platform which promises economic advancement without any prerequisite conditions of forceful alignment. But for others, particularly India and Brazil, there is concern that BRICS could become excessively aligned with Chinese geopolitical interests.
This internal division is the biggest obstacle in the way of BRICS turning into a unified anti-Western alliance. The BRICS is not a club of common political values, collective security commitments or ideological cohesion like NATO or even the G7. Even though they are members of the same grouping, India and China are still embroiled in a bitter border rivalry. India is also deepening strategic relations with the United States through forums such as the Quad, a multilateral effort to counter China in the Indo-Pacific. Under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Brazil is calling for a more multipolar order, but it still depends economically on Western markets. Meanwhile, the UAE and Saudi Arabia have strong defense and financial ties with Washington, and are also engaging with BRICS.

This is why the idea of BRICS as a unified anti-Western bloc is often exaggerated. In practice, BRICS functions less as an alliance against the West and more as a platform against Western dominance. There is an important distinction between the two. Many BRICS members are not seeking to destroy the existing international order; they are demanding greater influence within it. Calls for IMF reform, greater representation for developing economies, and alternative payment systems stem from frustrations over unequal power distribution rather than outright hostility toward the West.

At the same time, however, Western policymakers would be mistaken to dismiss BRICS as merely symbolic. The economic momentum behind the grouping is real. BRICS economies are projected to grow by an average real GDP growth of 3.7 percent in 2026, driven largely by China and India, while the countries of G7 are expected to grow by an average rate of 1.2 percent. Trade within the Global South is expanding rapidly and trade among developing countries has grown by 4.6 times since 2000. Energy exporters like the UAE, Russia, and potentially Saudi Arabia give BRICS increasing influence over global commodity markets. The bloc is also becoming more attractive to countries frustrated with sanctions, debt conditionalities, or Western political pressure. More than 30 countries have reportedly expressed interest in joining or partnering with BRICS till now in some capacity.

The conflict in Ukraine hastened this process. Sanctions against Russia revealed flaws in the dollar-based financial system and spurred interest in other monetary options. China and Russia now conduct around 99 percent of their bilateral trade in local currencies such as Rubles and Yuan. While there may be some technical issues with discussions about creating a separate payment system among the BRICS nations, it demonstrates a clear intention to escape Western financial dominance.
Despite these efforts, many of the weaknesses inherent to BRICS persist. Despite its growing GDP share in PPP terms, BRICS does not yet rival the West in technological innovation, military integration, or financial influence. The U.S. dollar still accounts for nearly 60 percent of global foreign exchange reserves, while no BRICS currency comes close to replacing it. The G7 economies also continue to dominate advanced technologies, global banking systems, and high-end manufacturing. Even the most positive evaluations of BRICS admit that it lacks cohesion.
Share of globally disclosed foreign exchange reserves

Source: United States Government

The real significance of BRICS therefore lies not in whether it can defeat the West, but in how it is reshaping global politics itself. It is not replacing the West, but it is reducing the West’s monopoly over global governance. The rise of BRICS signals that the era when a handful of Western powers could unilaterally shape international institutions is gradually fading. Countries of the Global South increasingly want options, flexibility, and strategic autonomy rather than dependence on any single power center. Whether BRICS can become a force for change or a forum mired in internal divisions will depend on its ability to transcend rhetoric and develop lasting institutions.. For now, it is neither a united anti-Western alliance nor an empty talking shop. It is something more complicated: a coalition of rising powers trying to redefine the rules of a changing world order.

Russia
Source: en.kremlin.ru

President of the People's Republic of China Xi Jinping (retranslated): Mr President,
Ladies and gentlemen of the press, good afternoon. Mr Putin and I are delighted to meet with you.
This is the 25^th time that President Putin has visited China. That in itself is evidence of the high level and special nature of Chinese-Russian relations. I would like to cordially welcome President Putin and all our Russian colleagues.

President Putin and I have just held in-depth, friendly and fruitful talks and a strategic dialogue on a broad range of vital issues. We have signed a joint Chinese-Russian statement on strengthening our comprehensive partnership and strategic interaction and on deepening our relations of good-neighbourliness, friendship and cooperation.

A large package of documents on bilateral cooperation has been signed in our presence. We will also publish a Joint Declaration on the Establishment of a Multipolar World and a New Type of International Relations.

This year marks the 30^th anniversary of Chinese-Russian partnership and strategic interaction. Over the past 30 years, our relations, toughened by wind and rain and keeping up with the times, scaled new heights, ultimately reaching a historical high of comprehensive partnership and strategic interaction in the new age, and are justly regarded as an example of a new type of relations between major powers.

This year, we will also mark 25 years of the Treaty of Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship and Cooperation between China and Russia. For many years, our countries have been unwaveringly committed to the principles of non-alignment, non-confrontation and non-targeting against other countries, as enshrined in that treaty. Firmly guided by the spirit of mutual respect, equality, honesty and justice, as well as mutually beneficial cooperation, we are making a great contribution to protecting international justice and shaping a new type of international relations. This is the key permanent factor in conditions of the largest transformation in centuries.

Friends,

Under our joint strategic guidance – President Putin’s and mine – relations between China and Russia have reached a new milestone. Both sides must keep pace with the defining trends of our time to promote peace, development, cooperation and mutual benefit, and strive to achieve higher-quality growth in the bilateral relationship.

First, we must strengthen high-level political mutual trust and act as each other’s strategic bulwark. Political mutual trust is the hallmark of China-Russia relations. It is enshrined as the fundamental objective and principle in the Treaty of Good-Neighbourliness, Friendship and Cooperation, which President Putin and I have already jointly decided to extend. We must build on past achievements, break new ground, and continue to offer each other firm and mutual support on matters relating to our respective core interests and key concerns. We must also maintain close strategic dialogue and contacts at various levels, thereby steadily reinforcing political trust between our two nations.
Second, we must inject fresh momentum into high-quality, mutually beneficial cooperation and walk hand in hand along the path of national progress and prosperity.

In recent years, we have consistently been impressed by breakthrough development and remarkable results achieved in our wide-ranging bilateral cooperation. Indeed, our bilateral trade has now exceeded US$200 billion for the third consecutive year. Despite the challenging external environment, mutual trade grew by around 20 percent from January to April this year – an achievement that was by no means easy. We should seize this highly favourable momentum to deepen cooperation in aligning China’s 15^th Five-Year Plan with Russia’s national development goals to 2030, make full use of the stabilising role of our energy cooperation, vigorously develop new growth drivers in the digital economy, artificial intelligence and technological innovation, and foster broad-based, mutually beneficial cooperation, both in scope and in quality, for the sake of our two countries’ national progress and prosperity.

Third, it is imperative to facilitate high-quality communication and exchanges among citizens, thereby laying a solid foundation for the China-Russia friendship for generations to come.

Underpinned by the dynamic development of China-Russia relations, bilateral cultural and humanitarian ties continue to deepen. Cooperation in education, culture, tourism and sport is advancing at full pace.

The China-Russia friendship enjoys ever greater support among young people, and our peoples are drawing closer, while fostering deeper mutual understanding.

President Putin and I have decided to hold the Years of China-Russia Cooperation in Education across this year and next, marking the tenth such interstate project, which we will launch immediately after this meeting.

Within the framework of the Years of Cooperation in Education, it is imperative to continue expanding bilateral student exchanges, strengthen ties and cooperation between universities and research centres, deliver more tangible results in professional training and joint research and development, and establish increasingly favourable conditions for the sustained development of China-Russia relations.

Fourth, it is essential to advance high-quality international cooperation and to reform and improve global governance. This world remains far from tranquil. The damage caused by unilateral actions and hegemony is unprecedented, and the threat of regression to the law of the jungle looms large. In this regard, I have put forward the concept of a community with a shared future for mankind and four global initiatives, which have garnered broad support from the international community, including Russia.

As permanent members of the UN Security Council, China and Russia will resolutely demonstrate a sense of duty as responsible world powers, safeguard the authority of the UN and international justice, and counter any manifestations of unilateralism and hegemony, as well as attempts to turn back the wheel of history, above all provocative actions aimed at denying the outcomes of the Second World War and reviving the signs of fascism and militarism.

We are ready to work shoulder to shoulder to shape a fairer and more rational system of global governance, walking the path towards the common good in step with the times. The great cause of China–Russia friendship, which answers the call of history and reflects the leitmotif of our era, will undoubtedly move forward with confidence, steadiness and resolve, yielding further bright achievements.

Thank you for your attention.

President of Russia Vladimir Putin: Mr President,

Ladies and gentlemen, friends,

First of all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to our dear friend, President of the People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping, and all our Chinese colleagues for the warm and cordial welcome extended to the Russian delegation.

This official visit is taking place in an anniversary year for Russian-Chinese relations: 25 years ago, we signed a vital interstate treaty of good-neighbourliness, friendship and cooperation, which provided a solid foundation for the all-round development of comprehensive partnership and strategic interaction between our two countries.

Russia-China relations have reached a truly unprecedented level and continue to develop. At the same time, our relations are self-sufficient, do not depend on the current international situation, and can serve as an example of relations between nations in this age.

Regarding our talks today, they were held in a traditionally warm, comradely and constructive atmosphere. We held in-depth discussions on all key aspects of our bilateral cooperation. The joint statement we have signed following these talks outlines the priority spheres of our interaction.
We have signed a large package, or more precisely about 40 intergovernmental, interagency and corporate documents. Some of them have been signed here. Many of these focus on the further deepening of our economic cooperation.

I would like to emphasise that Russia and China are important trade partners for each other. In 2025, our trade reached nearly US$240 billion, and its structure has expanded, including due to high added-value goods.

Modern enterprises in both Russia and China have greatly contributed to the growth of mutual trade. Our coordinated actions to transition settlements between them, as well as between our countries in general, to payments in national currencies have been of great importance in this regard. As a result, nearly all Russia-China export-import transactions are made in rubles and yuan. In other words, we have actually created a stable system of mutual trade that is protected from external influence and negative trends in the global markets.

I would like to point out that Russia and China are actively cooperating in the sphere of energy. Our country is one of the largest exporters of oil, natural gas (including LNG) and coal to China. We are definitely ready to continue to ensure reliable and uninterrupted supplies of these types of fuel to the rapidly growing Chinese market.

After the successful completion of the cross years of culture, Russia and China are launching new large-scale intergovernmental humanitarian initiatives, such as the Russia-China Year of Education. Together with President Xi Jinping, as has already been mentioned, we will take part in the ceremony launching these thematic years. The programme of the cross years includes hundreds of diverse events: conferences and seminars, concerts, exhibitions and masterclasses, as well as Olympiads and competitions. The first of these have already taken place and have attracted considerable interest among students and teachers in both Russia and China.

Our country is also actively cooperating in the field of sport. A major highlight will, of course, be the 10^th Russia-China Summer Games, which will begin this weekend in Kaliningrad. This is an excellent opportunity for many talented athletes to showcase their abilities.

Of course, cooperation between Russian and Chinese media organisations continues to strengthen friendship, trust and mutual understanding between our states and peoples. In 2026, we will mark the 70^th anniversary of partnership between TASS and the Chinese news agency Xinhua. On this occasion, a photo exhibition dedicated to the history of Russian-Chinese relations has been organised here in Beijing.

President Xi Jinping and I have exchanged views on pressing international issues, following which a joint declaration was adopted confirming the shared fundamental approaches of our two countries. The key point is this: Russia and China are committed to an independent and sovereign foreign policy, act in close strategic coordination, and play an important stabilising role on the global stage.
We work together for peace and shared prosperity. In this spirit, Moscow and Beijing jointly uphold international law and the provisions of the UN Charter in their entirety and interconnection and cooperate effectively within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, BRICS and other international structures, making a significant contribution to addressing pressing global and regional challenges.

Russia supports the priorities of China’s chairmanship this year in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). We, for our part, will provide all necessary assistance for their practical implementation. I am confident that the upcoming summit in Shenzhen will be productive.

We will, of course, continue to closely coordinate our positions in other multilateral formats as well, including the G20, the World Trade Organisation, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the New Development Bank. We intend to promote the alignment of integration processes within the Eurasian Economic Union and China’s Belt and Road Initiative, with a view to forming a Greater Eurasian Partnership.

Ladies and gentlemen, friends,

 The programme of our visit is extremely intensive. President Xi Jinping and I still have several important events ahead. However, I would already like to sincerely thank my friend, President Xi Jinping, and all our Chinese colleagues for their hospitality and for the excellent organisation of our work. I am confident that this visit and the talks will further strengthen Russian-Chinese friendship and contribute to the well-being and prosperity of our peoples.

Thank you.

Vietnam
Source: en.vietnamplus.vn

Kuala Lumpur (VNA) – Malaysia’s participation in BRICS is expected to strengthen the country’s position amid growing global economic competition and reduce dependence on traditional financial systems dominated by major powers, Malaysian Foreign Minister Mohamad Hasan said on May 22.

Mohamad said BRICS was established to ensure that countries in the Global South are not sidelined, noting that the bloc currently accounts for about 30% of global gross domestic product (GDP) and represents a significant share of the world’s population.

The bloc’s agenda is to ensure that BRICS countries are able to enhance and maximise their capabilities so that they are not left behind, especially in the post-COVID-19 period, he said.

Mohamad also stressed the need to review the global financial system as many countries continue to face heavy debt burdens, instead of relying excessively on a single financial mechanism.
The minister said Malaysia is expanding the use of local currencies in trade with neighbouring countries, including fellow ASEAN members, in an effort to reduce dependence on third-party currencies.

He added that Malaysia could play an important role in BRICS thanks to its position as an ASEAN member and an active trading nation in the international arena.

Malaysia can also leverage the principles of multilateralism shared by BRICS and ASEAN to strengthen governance and enhance investor confidence in the country./

Russia
Source: mid.ru

On May 21, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov had a telephone conversation with Deputy Prime Minister – Foreign Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand Sihasak Phuangketkeu.

The foreign ministers discussed the most topical issues of Russia-Thailand relations, including upholding the rights and interests of Russian citizens on the territory of Thailand.

Uzbekistan
Source: www.uzdaily.uz

Tashkent, Uzbekistan (UzDaily.com) — President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev has signed a law on the accession of the Republic of Uzbekistan to the Agreement on the New Development Bank adopted in 2014 in Fortaleza.

The Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis approved the document on 21 April 2026, after which the Senate of the Oliy Majlis endorsed it on 19 May 2026.

The agreement is aimed at expanding trade, economic and investment cooperation among member states through the implementation of joint investment projects and financial support mechanisms.
Uzbekistan’s participation in the New Development Bank will expand opportunities to attract foreign investment and finance large-scale infrastructure projects, as well as initiatives in the field of sustainable development. The bank uses modern financial instruments to support both public and private sector projects, including lending, guarantees and investment financing.

The New Development Bank (NDB) is a multilateral development bank established by Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) to mobilise resources for infrastructure projects and sustainable development projects in emerging markets and developing countries.

According to the information, membership in the bank is open to United Nations member states, both as borrowing and non-borrowing participants. Among new members and candidates mentioned are Bangladesh, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Algeria, as well as Uruguay, Uzbekistan, Colombia and Ethiopia, which were approved by the Board of Governors and will become members after submitting accession documents.

China
Source: www.globaltimes.cn

Dilma calls for larger, greener and more digital NDB at BRICS meeting in Moscow
BRICS bank has approved $42.9 billion in financing and seeks expansion, local currencies and technological innovation in the Global South

Dilma Rousseff, president of the New Development Bank (NDB). Photo: Fernando Frazão/Agência Brasil

By Brasil 247 - Dilma Rousseff, president of the New Development Bank (NDB), defended a new phase of expansion, innovation and strengthening of the Global South during the bank's 11th Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors, held in Moscow, Russia, on May 14 and 15, 2026. The information was published by Brasil 247.

The meeting was held under the theme "Financing development in an era of technological revolution" and brought together ministers, government officials, bank executives, business leaders, development partners, experts and media representatives.

In her speech at the opening ceremony, Rousseff said the bank must prepare for a new strategic cycle.

"As the NDB embarks on formulating its new Strategy, the vision is clear: the Bank will be bigger, greener, more digital, more innovative, more agile and more cooperative, while remaining grounded in pragmatism and focused on delivery," she said.

Rousseff also emphasized that financing in local currencies will remain a strategic priority. According to her, the bank will give special attention to expanding operations with new members and strengthening its role as a cooperation platform among developing countries.

"The NDB will continue to pursue gradual and balanced membership expansion and strengthen its role as a unified voice and platform for the Global South, amplifying members' priorities, facilitating South-South cooperation and mobilizing collective solutions to common development challenges," she stated.

BRICS bank focuses on innovation and local currencies

Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin said in a video message that the NDB has become one of the pillars of the emerging financial system of the Global South. 

Mishustin also defended a central role for the institution in financing innovation.

"The NDB has everything it needs to become an 'international bank of innovations,' helping countries identify key investment areas, select the best development tools and create conditions for companies to invest in early stages and over the long term," he said.

Russia also defended diversification of the bank's portfolio, stronger cooperation among members and greater participation of national currencies in NDB financing.

BRICS defend sovereignty and consensus

At the NDB governors' seminar, Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexey Overchuk said the strength of BRICS lies in respect for sovereignty and consensus-based decision-making.

"Here we have countries that think alike in the sense that we all value independence and the belief that our countries respect one another. That is one of the greatest strengths of BRICS," he said.

According to Overchuk, the NDB should help its members respond to the effects of deglobalization and act in areas such as climate change, water scarcity and food security.

Russian Finance Minister Anton Siluanov also defended stronger financial, scientific and productive capacities among BRICS countries. According to him, the expansion potential of high-technology markets within BRICS countries exceeds $400 billion annually.

Jeffrey Sachs calls NDB crucial institution

Economist Jeffrey Sachs, director of the Center for Sustainable Development at Columbia University, said the NDB's work has "profound importance for the entire world."

"The success of the BRICS countries and emerging and developing economies is truly the success of the world," Sachs said.

He stated that the world is undergoing three major transformations: geopolitical, ecological and technological. In that context, he defended broader NDB financing, stronger partnerships with African countries, support for green and digital technologies, financing for sustainable urbanization and contributions to alternative payment and settlement systems.

India to host 2027 meeting

During the business session held on May 15, the Board of Governors welcomed the bank's progress over the past year and outlined next steps for membership expansion and formulation of the General Strategy for 2027-2031.

Indian Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman was elected the next chair of the Board of Governors. Chinese Finance Minister Lan Fo'an was chosen as vice chair. India will host the 12th Annual NDB Meeting in 2027.

Created by Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, the NDB aims to mobilize resources for infrastructure and sustainable development in emerging markets and developing countries. By the end of the first quarter of 2026, the bank had approved $42.9 billion in financing for 140 projects in areas such as clean energy, transport, water and sanitation, environmental protection and social and digital infrastructure.

(Reported by Brasil 247 on May 20, 2026)

Russia
Source: mid.ru

Question: Recently, the director of the Eurovision Song Contest hypothetically allowed for the possibility of Russia’s return to the competition. Will Russia ultimately take part in this contest in the future – will our country agree to this?

Are the dates for the Intervision contest already known?

Sergey Lavrov: I have not heard that anyone from the organisation called Eurovision recently commented on anything related to Russia.

As it turns out, we are now being mentioned not only in the European Union, where they say they will contemplate whether or not to engage in dialogue with Russia. It also appears that “modern musicians” are likewise pondering whether or not to invite Russia.
I wish to state unequivocally – we do not meet the criteria that currently determine the participants of Eurovision and that are, for all intents and purposes, criteria of outright Satanism. We do not align with that, quite frankly.

We are perfectly at ease within structures such as BRICS, the SCO, and other multilateral associations in which Russia participates, which, in addition to political issues, security matters, and trade and economic affairs, are also engaged in expanding cultural, humanitarian, educational, and other ties. This also pertains, among other things, to musical and sporting events. There are increasing initiatives, including those within the BRICS framework, aimed at holding relevant events in the spirit of traditional values and the cultural, musical, and other traditions of the peoples that, in this particular instance, constitute BRICS – to preserve and enrich the art that has developed over centuries in the respective territories.

Intervision was conceived precisely in the context of bringing together the traditional art of the countries belonging to the BRICS group. Following the first Intervision, which took place in September 2025 in Moscow, our Saudi colleagues announced that they are inviting the next contest to be held in their country in 2026. The dates have not yet been determined. I very much hope that the consequences of the aggression that the Americans, together with Israel, have unleashed in the Persian Gulf will not affect the plans for holding the second stage of this contest this year.

Russia
Source: mid.ru

Question (retranslated from Chinese): Thank you for taking the time to meet with us amidst your demanding schedule. We understand that President Vladimir Putin is currently travelling to China. You were also in Beijing in April this year. Our relations are at an unprecedentedly high level. How have we achieved this? What breakthroughs are most anticipated in the stages ahead?

Sergey Lavrov: Answering this question is rendered easier by the fact that a special video address by President Vladimir Putin to the Chinese leadership and to the Chinese people was recently broadcast on the occasion of his upcoming visit, which begins on May 19. It provides a succinct characterisation of relations between Russia and China. It fully coincides with the assessments expressed by President of the People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping and other representatives of the Chinese leadership.

These are perhaps the most stable relations between two great powers in the modern world. They are founded on the principles of mutual respect, mutual benefit, and consideration of each other’s interests. Any issues are addressed in such a way as to ensure a balance of these interests. This lends equilibrium and stability to relations between two great neighbours, but at the same time it lends stability to international relations as well, given the turbulence that is currently tearing apart virtually all regions of the world, including our Eurasian continent.

The relations rest on a very solid material foundation. For several years now, trade turnover has significantly exceeded $200 billion. At its core, of course, lies energy. Russia is the largest supplier of pipeline natural gas to the People’s Republic of China. We are among the leading suppliers of liquefied natural gas and coal. Quite recently, we finalised an agreement on the construction of the largest gas pipeline, Power of Siberia 2. The Far Eastern Route is also under discussion.
Naturally, beyond hydrocarbon energy, we have close cooperation in all aspects of the peaceful use of nuclear energy, in space, and in high technology in general.

This solid material foundation is very successfully and organically reinforced by a shared vision for the development of humanity, embodied in the initiatives of President Xi Jinping and in the proposals that our President advances regarding the development of the Eurasian continent and the global economy and politics as a whole.

Question (retranslated from Chinese): We understand that President Vladimir Putin is currently en route to China. This is a very important event for us. From the perspective of Moscow’s sovereign interests, what significance does this visit hold for “Russia’s development in the Far East,” for industrial and technological development? How do you view this?

Sergey Lavrov: This visit (for all its importance) is an anniversary one. It is dedicated to the 25th anniversary of our most important Treaty of Neighbourliness, Friendship, and Cooperation between China and Russia. But this is merely one episode in our relations.

We regard the People’s Republic of China as our largest neighbour and principal economic partner. We take all these circumstances into account when planning the development of our territories, including those regions of the Russian Federation adjacent to China – the Far East, and, above all, Southern Siberia.

We are now actively strengthening our technological alliance. China possesses technologies that help the Russian Federation overcome the artificial, illegal difficulties created by the West. We are actively pursuing the same course of ensuring our technological independence, our technological sovereignty.
As recent events show – in which the West reveals the essence of its policy, no longer masking it in the slightest – both China and Russia must rely primarily on our own strength and on our fraternal solidarity. Thus, there is a mutual interest here. You see, the German automotive industry is now in a profound crisis, while Chinese cars have become the most popular in Russia. This is one indicator of what we say: “Nature abhors a vacuum.”

If the West, the capitalists, suddenly decided that they would impose sanctions, would not buy something from China, would not sell something to Russia, and that the economies of China and the Russian Federation would face insurmountable problems – this is a delusion. Great powers and peoples, such as the Russian and Chinese cannot be enslaved. Yet those in the West still seek to subjugate everyone to their will, one and all. We are on the right path.

Question (retranslated from Chinese): You just mentioned that this year marks the 25th anniversary of the founding treaty between Russia and China. During your visit to China in April, you stated that Russian-Chinese relations had reached an unprecedented level. Could you expand on what you meant by that?

Sergey Lavrov: I cannot claim authorship of this assessment. It was articulated by our leaders – President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin and President of the People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping – during their regular discussions over the past two years.

These positions have become increasingly clear and well defined. President Xi Jinping stated that we are entering an era of changes unprecedented in the last century, emphasising the need for a fair resolution of international issues. He also underscored that Russia and China should be firmly recognised in our joint documents as strategic partners committed to comprehensive, multifaceted cooperation across the board. This role has now been clearly established.

What matters most is not even the terminology used to describe our relations, but the attitude of people themselves. It is clear that not only residents of the border regions, but people throughout Russia and the People’s Republic of China respect one another and value this cooperation.
Another festival is currently taking place in Harbin. The years 2026 and 2027 have been designated as the Years of Russia-China Cooperation in Education. Around 60,000 Chinese students are studying at Russian universities, while more than 20,000 Russians are enrolled at Chinese universities. Numerous cultural and sporting events are also being held. All of this creates a strong foundation at the human level. When such mutual sentiment exists within both societies, politicians are able to work far more effectively toward achieving their objectives, including advancing the interests of Russia and China on the international stage.

Question (retranslated from Chinese): You just mentioned that the world is entering an era of change unprecedented in the last century. At many international forums, you have also spoken about the accelerating shift toward a multipolar international order. We see the brilliant work of organisations such as the SCO, in which Russia and China play key roles, as well as BRICS. The countries of the Global South are increasingly paying attention to the positions of Russia and China. How do Russia and China envision the future of the international system, and what role do they see themselves playing in shaping it together with other countries?

Sergey Lavrov: Russia and China, as two major powers, play a stabilising role in the international arena within the framework of their bilateral relations. China has already become the world’s leading economy, while Russia ranks fourth globally in terms of purchasing power parity. At the same time, our country holds fifth place worldwide in the contribution of industrial output to GDP. The fact that we, together with our Chinese partners, are among the top five rapidly developing nations creates both advantages and stability for our countries as well as for our mutual relations.

After World War II, Russia and China already emerged as pillars of a new world order founded on the principles of the UN Charter. These principles remain sound and relevant today, despite the fact that Western countries have consistently failed to implement them fully or respect principles of sovereign equality and non-interference in the internal affairs of states. Nevertheless, these lofty ideals are enshrined in the UN Charter, and we firmly oppose any attempts to revise or reinterpret it in order to justify the “necessary” adventures of our Western counterparts.

As new centres of economic growth – particularly, China, India, Brazil, and several African nations – began developing at an accelerated pace, the West gradually lost its ability to maintain colonial and neocolonial methods [of dominance]. Countries of the Global South and East increasingly demanded an end to an economic system where raw materials and natural resources were seized from them while the added value was, and continues to be, generated in Western economies. As a result, the global order began to change objectively – and this transformation did not occur because someone arbitrarily declared the world multipolar; it arose from objective realities.

Now the forces in the global economy have been redistributed, and this redistribution is going on. We believe that this new balance of power must also be reflected in the international institutions created after World War II. Those include the UN Security Council, which should be reformed through expanding representation of countries from Asia, Africa, and Latin America. It also applies to the Bretton Woods institutions, where the number of votes held by BRICS countries do not reflect their actual weight in the global economy. However, Western nations are doing everything to prevent justice being established here.

The organisations you mentioned – BRICS, the SCO, the EAEU, ASEAN, the African Union, and CELAC – have likewise become multilateral centres shaping the emerging global economy. They are enhancing their capabilities and increasingly reducing dependence on the dollar as the global reserve currency. Russia and China, for instance, have already fully converted their trade to rubles and yuan. Similar trends can also be observed in Latin America, in our relations with other Eurasian states, and among the countries of ASEAN and the SCO.

This means a simple thing: the financial and economic system led by the West after World War II can no longer function in a way that guarantees continued benefit for Western countries. Other states have begun outperforming the West within the very system and according to the very rules originally established by the United States and its Western allies.

What we are witnessing today in the form of sanctions, the seizure of sovereign states, and even attempts at intervention is, above all, a manifestation of unfair and dishonest competition. The West increasingly relies on such methods across many sectors – economy, technology, trade, and sports, where athletes from certain countries are suddenly excluded from international competitions. This is a very serious issue. Fear of competition, which reflects the West’s awareness of its declining influence over global affairs, is clearly evident in these actions.

Like China, Russia does not seek to harm, punish, or wage war against anyone. However, we will firmly defend our interests and legitimate rights, as the Russian Federation is currently doing. China’s stance on Taiwan has also been clearly articulated and, as I understand it, was reaffirmed during the recent visit by US President Donald Trump and his discussions with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing.

The world is changing – and it is undeniably becoming multipolar. Some now argue that this multipolarity could descend into chaos, claiming that following the collapse of the Soviet Union there was a single dominant power maintaining order, whereas the future may consist of disorderly and fragmented movements. Neither Russia nor China accepts such predictions. We do not want the dominance of one group of countries to be replaced by chaos. Instead, we are interested in building normal relations among all states, including between the SCO and BRICS – the structures where both Russia and China participate.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has proposed several initiatives, including the Global Security Initiative and the Global Governance Initiative. Our vision for Eurasian security and the Greater Eurasian Partnership was presented in speeches delivered by Russian President Vladimir Putin. These initiatives complement one another; their central objective is to harmonise all integration processes taking place across the Eurasian continent. This explains the growing interaction between the SCO and ASEAN, as well as the agreement between the EAEU and China aimed at coordinating approaches to Eurasian integration and advancing the Belt and Road Initiative.

Both Russia and China seek a stable and orderly multipolar world. Once again, I would like to emphasise that there is no need to invent new principles for such a system, with the UN Charter already providing a fully adequate foundation for a just multipolar world order. The point is that, until recently, the West simply ignored these principles. The task now is to restore their relevance and translate them into practical action.

Question (retranslated from Chinese): My next question is related to a vital topic for Russia, that of the special military operation. We have witnessed really powerful strikes by the AFU on the territory of the Russian Federation. I would like to know which strategic objectives have been achieved in the special military operation. Which conditions should a political window of opportunities ideally meet to put an end to this conflict?

If I may, I would also ask something about the Anchorage meeting. There was talk that there exists a “formula” that can help resolve the issues. However, we see the “formula” remains unused. What alignment do you think could be made regarding Anchorage and Ukraine? What further developments can we expect in this context?

Sergey Lavrov: The developments in Ukraine are rooted in the restoration of historical justice.
When the Soviet Union was established following the Great October Revolution of 1917, all inherently Russian lands as well as those in Western Ukraine, Belarus and the lands of other peoples whose republics joined the USSR, were united in a single country. A lot has been written about it. The Russian people, who used to always live in Crimea and in the southeast of the territory which ultimately became the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, ended up in different constituent entities of the Soviet Union. Nobody could ever imagine the Soviet Union would disintegrate. This is common knowledge.

However, when that happened – and the West had made fairly serious efforts for this to occur – Russians found themselves living abroad. Nobody planned to make drastic actions because Ukraine, upon seceding the Soviet Union, adopted a declaration stating that that it would forever be a non-bloc, neutral and nuclear-free state. They announced a policy to ensure the rights and interest of the Russian and all other ethnic minorities. And if those “mantras” – and they appear to have been just mantras – were followed up on, no one would ever think of a special military operation which has among it major objective the restoration of language and educational rights of Russians and Russian-speakers. Religious rights have also been banned by law.

The second objective was to prevent Ukraine, which is lead by the Nazis following the February 2014 coup d’etat, from turning into a permanent threat on the borders of the Russian Federation.
There are no ideal comparisons. But the Russian people was divided. I mean the Russian people as a concept of the Russian world. Many Ukrainians and other ethnicities who have lived in Ukraine’s southeast consider themselves to be part of Russian culture as much as the multi-ethnic people of the Russian Federation is united by Russian culture.

We recently marked the Day of Indigenous Peoples of Russia. President Putin addressed their representatives. And now imagine that the in part of our geopolitical space that has always belonged to the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union and suddenly found itself abroad, they decided to build military bases, pump the post-coup Ukraine with modern weapons and bluntly incite it against the Russian Federation.

I firmly believe that you, in China, understand us very well because you have Taiwan which is also an inseparable and inalienable part of the Chinese state. Under Joe Biden, there were persistent attempts to “pump up” Taiwan with weapons and militarise it while making every effort to support the forces who opposed reunification with the Chinese people albeit being part of it. The historical situations are different, yet the principle that we both reject is pretty clear – to set our compatriots against us. Our objective is to thwart Ukraine’s militarisation and its Nazification, to eliminate threats to the Russian Federation from its territory. We recognized Ukraine as a non-nuclear, non-bloc and neutral state. We did not recognise a Ukraine that is now being drawn into NATO.

You asked about Anchorage. America under Donald Trump is the only nation that admits the need to eliminate the root causes – no joining the alliance, and recognition of the realities on the ground resulting from the referendums held in response to the coup d’etat. We have agreed with this approach.

Another thing: Europe, including Zelensky, immediately started badgering Washington. They were practically hanging off the shoulders of the Trump administration and US officials during the Russia-Ukraine negotiations, demanding that the Americans change course.

From what I can tell, the US has already lost some of its interest and energy. They’re saying openly, “Let Europe deal with Ukraine. We’ll deal with China.” That’s become the standard line.

We will achieve our goals, no matter what. But now we’re seeing certain European figures – so-called politicians – start to say, “Well, we’ll think about it. Maybe at some point we can talk to the Russian Federation. But we’ll decide when and about what.” And honestly, that tells you everything. It marks them out as people with no real position, no principles – small-time politicians. They can’t see beyond the horizon. All they can do is drag up the past of their fathers and grandfathers. Mostly grandfathers.
In particular, the Nazi spirit is stirring again in Germany. Once more, the country wants to gather all of Europe under its banner. A Nazi flag has already been handed to Zelensky. It’s all happening again. No one truly learned the lessons of history.

And on that point, I want to add something else. We are tired of reminding Europeans – at conferences where their delegations are present, along with UN staff, including the Secretary-General, and OSCE staff – that Ukraine is the only country in the world where language and religion are legally banned.

No other country has banned a language. In Israel, you can speak Arabic and Farsi. Hebrew isn’t banned in Iran. There are synagogues there that no one destroys – unlike the Ukrainian regime, which arrests priests of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church and destroys their property. Can you imagine banning a language? And then some of those “statesmen,” appearing to be building trust, say: “Believe us, once serious negotiations begin, once a settlement is reached, we will demand that the restoration of Russian language rights and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church be part of that settlement.”
You know what? That’s a scam. Because this isn’t about negotiations. It’s Article 1 of the UN Charter that demands respect for human rights, regardless of race, gender, language, or religion. That’s not something you negotiate. It’s part of your credentials as a decent person, a decent member of the international community. And yet they’re trying to turn these things into bargaining chips. That’s what we’re trying to get across.

We are steadily pursuing the objectives of the special military operation. President Putin has said many times: we are not using the means we could, because we don’t want to cause unnecessary damage to territories where, by and large, our own people live – people the Nazis are trying to crush. Around 80 communities were liberated in 2026, including 35 in March and April alone. The process continues.

We have always been open to negotiations. You thought the issue was dead and buried after Anchorage – but it isn’t. We still have channels of communication with US representatives. If they are ready at some point to resume direct talks, it will be worth hearing how they see the situation that has developed since Anchorage. Especially after our President accepted the US President’s proposal there. I’d like to know why things are playing out like this. Soon it will be a year since the Alaska summit. There has been no progress – not even a shift in the behaviour of Zelensky or the Europeans. On the contrary, they are getting more aggressive and more brazen by the day. We’ll be taking that into account.